The Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) was established in 2003 (BS 2060). After long debate and discussion for registration, the first step was the introduction of the Non-Resident Nepali Act, 2007 (BS 2064), and subsequently the Non-Resident Nepali Rules, 2009 (BS 2066). Later, during the tenure of the fifth executive committee in 2013 (BS 2070), the NRNA was formally registered under Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The sixth, seventh, and eighth executive committees ran without dispute.

However, towards the end of the ninth executive committee’s tenure, problems arose when ambitious candidates, raising complaints of malpractice in the delegate selection process for the upcoming General Convention, approached the Ministry of Foreign Affairs demanding the postponement of the convention. As a result, the scheduled convention could not take place on time.

About six months later, the convention was held, but in two different places, electing two separate executive committees. On Chaitra 8, 2078 (March 22, 2022), at the Yak & Yeti Hotel, the 10th General Convention of NRNA was conducted as per the pre-announced schedule, and Binod Kunwar was elected President, submitting his report to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Just two days later, on Chaitra 10–11, another group held a parallel convention at Hotel Soaltee, electing three presidents simultaneously—Kul Acharya, Rabina Thapa, and Badri KC. This faction even went on to conduct the 11th General Convention two years later.

In that online election of the 11th convention, allegations of technical rigging were raised, and Badri KC declared himself President. The two other presidential candidates, Rajendra Kumar (R.K.) Sharma and Mahesh Shrestha, also filed petitions in the Supreme Court. Consequently, cases piled up one after another in both the Supreme Court and High Court.

The dispute within NRNA’s International Coordination Council (central body) extended to national chapters in various countries, leading to disruptions worldwide. On Chaitra 21, 2080 (April 3, 2024), the Supreme Court of Nepal issued a mandamus order. In line with this order, a unification convention was held on Baisakh 20–22, 2082 (May 3–5, 2025) in Kathmandu, which elected new leadership under Mahesh Shrestha.

On Baisakh 30, 2082, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs wrote to the Implementation Branch of the Supreme Court to remove the old registry entries. On Jestha 6, 2082, the Supreme Court’s Implementation Directorate issued a formal confirmation that the unification convention had been completed in due legal process. Subsequently, on Jestha 8, 2082, information letters were sent to 30 Nepali embassies and 7 consulates abroad stating that the new leadership under Mahesh Shrestha had been duly recognized. In accordance with this legitimacy, the State Affairs and Good Governance Committee of the House of Representatives invited the NRNA under Mahesh’s leadership to participate in discussions on the Citizenship Act.

Meanwhile, cases filed in contradiction to the Supreme Court’s mandamus, demanding the suspension of the unification convention, were left without any order. Later, the Supreme Court’s Implementation Directorate declared such cases automatically inactive, stating that the entire process had already been completed. However, under the name of review petitions, the issue has been revived again, with six cases merged together. Although repeatedly listed for hearings, no final review has yet taken place, and even if it does, there seems little likelihood of a new ruling overturning the existing one.

As per the Supreme Court’s order, any attempt by other factions to use the name and logo of NRNA after the unification convention is unconstitutional. Operating NRNA bank accounts, offices, and expensive MIS systems by unauthorized groups is illegal.

The present situation of NRNA is like this: runners have completed a race, crossed the finish line, received their prizes, and the organizers have declared the race officially concluded—yet a few individuals who never even ran the race claim that no race was held and that they are the winners.

Some factions that never participated in the unification convention misinterpret the Supreme Court’s ruling, claiming that since each General Convention is sovereign, they alone are legitimate. But not only general conventions, even committee meetings are sovereign within their mandate. Their misinterpretation has created confusion. These groups now claim they are legitimate until October or November, but what after that? Will they convert themselves into a new organization under another name? If today’s NRNA members are forcibly turned into members of a different organization tomorrow, is that not a violation? This is a serious issue for new members and future leadership to consider.

The Supreme Court’s order had created a 13-member Organizing Committee for the unification convention. While all attended the first meeting, Badri KC was absent from the second. The order had clearly stated that the convention should be held by consensus, or by majority if consensus failed. During the ninth executive committee, when the 10th convention was postponed for nearly six months, a High-Level Committee led by Shesh Ghale had been formed. The Supreme Court revived that same committee, with Ghale as coordinator. The order did not recognize the presidents elected in the two parallel conventions—Binod Kunwar, Kul Acharya, Rabina Thapa, and Badri KC. Their entire leadership teams were invalidated. This ruling is reminiscent of the Supreme Court’s decision of Falgun 23, 2077 (March 7, 2021), which invalidated the merger of CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist Center, restoring them to their original status.

The Supreme Court instructed the High-Level Committee to hold the unification convention within six months. When Shesh Ghale moved forward with preparations, some demanded postponement, but the Court refused to halt the process. The very next day, the Foreign Minister inaugurated the convention, which was held with grandeur.

Following the unification convention, newly elected officials were sworn in on Baisakh 21, and thus became fully legitimate. From that point, the use of NRNA’s name, logo, accounts, or office by Badri KC’s faction became unconstitutional. The new leadership attempted to enter the Kathmandu office immediately, but Mahesh Shrestha asked for one month to manage the transition, and entry has still not been secured. The mandate of the order was clear: first hold the unification convention at the centre, then elect national committees. This process continues.

NRNA has National Coordination Councils (NCCs) in 87 countries, but only about half are active. As per the statute, NCCs must hold conventions every two years, so many are being held in July, August, and September. KC’s faction, still holding the office and MIS system, has been lobbying NCCs using that access, while the legitimate faction under Shrestha remains confident, backed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Supreme Court.

There is talk that after October or November, KC’s group will register a new organization under a different name, similar to NRNA. Already, a United Nepali Diaspora Organization (UNDO) has been registered. If multiple parallel organizations arise, only NRNA will remain legitimate as a recognized stakeholder of the Government of Nepal. Speculation suggests KC’s group may attempt to register abroad or under Nepal’s Social Welfare Council or Company Registrar. If so, members who today claim to be NRNA could tomorrow become officers of an entirely different body.

It also appears that the current Prime Minister himself is a major patron of KC’s faction. On Poush 5, 2081, he nominated Badri KC as an ex-officio member of the Industry and Commerce Promotion Dialogue Council. Though KC had abandoned the NRNA office for four months after the Supreme Court’s order, the Prime Minister’s public recognition gave them renewed confidence. But since the judiciary has already ruled and issued a mandamus, no executive power can overturn that legal reality. Critics also point out that KC’s faction is backed by the ruling CPN-UML’s overseas wing, the Organization of Nepali Diaspora Forum (ONF), though there may be participation from other parties as well.

Much of today’s crisis stems from earlier failures. If NRNA had not been registered under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs ten years after its founding, if then-General Secretary Hem Raj Sharma had not enforced the controversial 65/25 formula for delegate selection, and if Kul Acharya, Janaki Gurung, Navaraj Woli, and Bed Prasad Kharel had not filed a case on Bhadra 24, 2078, the current situation might never have arisen.

NRNA was not created by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs but by Nepalis abroad themselves. When the Ministry later registered it, the organization became entangled in partisan politics. Former Foreign Ministers Bimala Poudel Rai and Narayan Khadka also made decisions under political pressure, worsening the problem.

Some accuse NRNA of inactivity during disputes, but this is untrue. NRNA has acted as a semi-governmental guardian abroad. Its contributions during Nepal’s 2015 earthquake rescue and the devastating COVID-19 pandemic from 2019 to 2022 are unforgettable. NRNA has been at the forefront of investment, tourism promotion, export of Nepali products, and rescuing distressed Nepalis abroad. It remains an integral partner in Nepal’s development and progress.

So why does such an important body become controversial? Because power and influence always attract disputes. The same happens in many organizations of influence worldwide.

Finally, the Supreme Court’s mandamus, the desire of Nepalis abroad, the expectation of the Government of Nepal, and the need of the Nepali people all point toward NRNA unity. Yet partisan obstacles continue to haunt it. The real task ahead is to focus on fighting discriminatory laws in Nepal and serving the common interests of Nepalis abroad and at home. With the completion of the unification convention in Baisakh, all disputes should be considered resolved. Let us move forward by becoming members and leaders of a legitimate NRNA, not shadow factions.

Long live NRNA!

(Author Biswasdip Tigela is Vice President of NRNA International Coordination Council.)